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length have been reassessed and improved since that time (as discussed in Krogman 1962, chap. 6). Mote recent assessments of stature in various populations show similar ranges (eg, Roberts & Cox 2003, 396 as discussed in Roberts & Manchester 2010, 40-2). These give a mean height of 172 cm for males and 61 cm for females in the British Bronze Age, compared with (amongst others) a British post-Medieval population height of 171 cm for males and 160 cm for females, clearly showing that previous assessments of the Early Bronze Age population as being of short stature compared with later times is not sustainable. Twentieth- and twenty-first century populations are, however, taller; for example, the mean height for British men in 1950 was 175 cm (Steckel 1995) and may now be even taller, presumably relating to improved quality and quantity of diet.

Figure 13 length have been reassessed and improved since that time (as discussed in Krogman 1962, chap. 6). Mote recent assessments of stature in various populations show similar ranges (eg, Roberts & Cox 2003, 396 as discussed in Roberts & Manchester 2010, 40-2). These give a mean height of 172 cm for males and 61 cm for females in the British Bronze Age, compared with (amongst others) a British post-Medieval population height of 171 cm for males and 160 cm for females, clearly showing that previous assessments of the Early Bronze Age population as being of short stature compared with later times is not sustainable. Twentieth- and twenty-first century populations are, however, taller; for example, the mean height for British men in 1950 was 175 cm (Steckel 1995) and may now be even taller, presumably relating to improved quality and quantity of diet.

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Figure 5.1: Plans of eight Beaker graves from north-east Scotland (Aberdeenshire and City of Aberdeen): Borrowstone 5 (SK364) and 6 (SK366), Chapelden, Sandbole (SK51), Udny Green (SK328), Mains of Scotstown (SK347), Pidrichie 2 (SK50) and Tavelty. Key: Grave goods: B: Beaker; F: Flint tool; P: Pebble/amulet; C> Copper (alloy) fragment; R: Bone belt-ring; W: Stone wristguard; KD: Copper (alloy) Rnife-dagger; OQ: quartzite; BT: Barbed-and-tanged arrowhead; Human remains: Ad: Adult; Y Ad: Young adult; Ch: Child; M: Male; F: Female (Illustration: Neil Wilkin)
Figure 5.1: Plans of eight Beaker graves from north-east Scotland (Aberdeenshire and City of Aberdeen): Borrowstone 5 (SK364) and 6 (SK366), Chapelden, Sandbole (SK51), Udny Green (SK328), Mains of Scotstown (SK347), Pidrichie 2 (SK50) and Tavelty. Key: Grave goods: B: Beaker; F: Flint tool; P: Pebble/amulet; C> Copper (alloy) fragment; R: Bone belt-ring; W: Stone wristguard; KD: Copper (alloy) Rnife-dagger; OQ: quartzite; BT: Barbed-and-tanged arrowhead; Human remains: Ad: Adult; Y Ad: Young adult; Ch: Child; M: Male; F: Female (Illustration: Neil Wilkin)
with the two characteristics ‘feeding’ into one another. This has provided the framework for the project to investigate patterns in the diet, chronology and typology of the Beaker graves of the region. to emerge as a key centre for technological innovation in metalworking during the Migdale period from «¢ 2200-2000 BC, the so called ‘Migdale—Marnoch sunburst’ (Needham 2004) 7.
with the two characteristics ‘feeding’ into one another. This has provided the framework for the project to investigate patterns in the diet, chronology and typology of the Beaker graves of the region. to emerge as a key centre for technological innovation in metalworking during the Migdale period from «¢ 2200-2000 BC, the so called ‘Migdale—Marnoch sunburst’ (Needham 2004) 7.
Total sample = 120; see Table 4.3 for details of complex assemblages
Total sample = 120; see Table 4.3 for details of complex assemblages
Figure 5.6: The distribution map of Globular Very Short- Necked Beakers, with those with opposed isosceles highlighted (Illustration: Neil Wilkin) 1993, 159-289 passim). Indeed, it has been noted that a relatively substantial proportion of north-east Scottish Beakers feature decoration on the internal surface of the vessel (Sheridan 2011, 46). compared with Irish Food Vessel Bowls. The GVSN vessels therefore appear to represent a specific regional identity, at the same time as reflecting the wider connections demonstrated by the contemporary Migdale—Marnoch tradition. The relatively early dates obtained for Mains of Scotstoun, Aberdeen (SK347; 2400-2140 cal BC at 95.4% probability) and Upper Boyndlie, East Castlehill cist 3 (SK327; 2400-2140 cal BC at 95.4% probability) suggest that GVSN vessels preceded Irish Food Vesse Bowls and Vases (cf. Brindley 2007) and could perhaps have influenced their development. .
Figure 5.6: The distribution map of Globular Very Short- Necked Beakers, with those with opposed isosceles highlighted (Illustration: Neil Wilkin) 1993, 159-289 passim). Indeed, it has been noted that a relatively substantial proportion of north-east Scottish Beakers feature decoration on the internal surface of the vessel (Sheridan 2011, 46). compared with Irish Food Vessel Bowls. The GVSN vessels therefore appear to represent a specific regional identity, at the same time as reflecting the wider connections demonstrated by the contemporary Migdale—Marnoch tradition. The relatively early dates obtained for Mains of Scotstoun, Aberdeen (SK347; 2400-2140 cal BC at 95.4% probability) and Upper Boyndlie, East Castlehill cist 3 (SK327; 2400-2140 cal BC at 95.4% probability) suggest that GVSN vessels preceded Irish Food Vesse Bowls and Vases (cf. Brindley 2007) and could perhaps have influenced their development. .
eastern Scotland, most notably the north-east and East Lothian, from where most of the dated Scottish burials in this dataset are drawn. cinerary urns across eastern Scotland (Fig, 5.7). It is notable that other grave-good traditions associated with inhumations, frequently in short cists, including the burial of Food Vessels, flat riveted bronze daggers and jet or jet-like ornaments, are not as well represented in
eastern Scotland, most notably the north-east and East Lothian, from where most of the dated Scottish burials in this dataset are drawn. cinerary urns across eastern Scotland (Fig, 5.7). It is notable that other grave-good traditions associated with inhumations, frequently in short cists, including the burial of Food Vessels, flat riveted bronze daggers and jet or jet-like ornaments, are not as well represented in
north-east Scotland as they are in the Moray Firth region or east-central Scotland (Curtis & Wilkin 2012). This change represents a considerable break from Beaker burial practices, with an increase in the number of individuals buried within individual cemeteries (eg, the cemetery at Skilmafilly: Cameron 2001; Johnson & Cameron 2012) and with deposition within pre-existing monuments in several notable cases (eg, Broomend of Crichie [Bradley 2011] and Loanhead of Daviot [Kilbride-Jones 1936]). Furthermore, in contrast to the strict orthodoxy of Beaker graves, the funerary tradition involving cremation is associated with a range of cinerary urns, their currencies seemingly overlapping during the early second millennium cal BC (ie, Vase Urns, Collared Urns, Cordoned Urns and Bipartite Urns: Sheridan 2007a).
north-east Scotland as they are in the Moray Firth region or east-central Scotland (Curtis & Wilkin 2012). This change represents a considerable break from Beaker burial practices, with an increase in the number of individuals buried within individual cemeteries (eg, the cemetery at Skilmafilly: Cameron 2001; Johnson & Cameron 2012) and with deposition within pre-existing monuments in several notable cases (eg, Broomend of Crichie [Bradley 2011] and Loanhead of Daviot [Kilbride-Jones 1936]). Furthermore, in contrast to the strict orthodoxy of Beaker graves, the funerary tradition involving cremation is associated with a range of cinerary urns, their currencies seemingly overlapping during the early second millennium cal BC (ie, Vase Urns, Collared Urns, Cordoned Urns and Bipartite Urns: Sheridan 2007a).
Figures 1.16 to 1.22 show the location of the sites in closer detail.
Figures 1.16 to 1.22 show the location of the sites in closer detail.
of the cranium (ie, to the sagittal suture). A bar was lowered from this upright onto the upper sutface of the cranium across the maximum breadth and a sliding calliper was used to measure the distance between the upright and the sagittal suture. This was taken as the half maximum breadth and was doubled to obtain the maximum breadth value. A check of the validity of this method, using complete skulls where breadth was measured by spreading calliper, showed an average discrepancy of less than 3% between the half-side and standard measurements. This is negligible for the purpose of the present study. The major cranial measurements taken in this study were maximum skull length, maximum skull breadth and the basion-to- bregma height, all as defined in Bass (1995, 68-79), Of these, the major interest for this study was the cranial length and breadth, from which a cranial index (CI) was obtained (breadth x 100 / length) for assessment of the extent of brachycranialism in the study population. Of the 118 skeletons examined, a cranial index was obtained for 60 individuals although, as shown in Appendix 6, in three cases this was from the literature rather than by direct measurement. For these 60 individuals, 54 were assignable to a sex with a confidence rating of two or above and, of these, 52 have been used in the analysis.
of the cranium (ie, to the sagittal suture). A bar was lowered from this upright onto the upper sutface of the cranium across the maximum breadth and a sliding calliper was used to measure the distance between the upright and the sagittal suture. This was taken as the half maximum breadth and was doubled to obtain the maximum breadth value. A check of the validity of this method, using complete skulls where breadth was measured by spreading calliper, showed an average discrepancy of less than 3% between the half-side and standard measurements. This is negligible for the purpose of the present study. The major cranial measurements taken in this study were maximum skull length, maximum skull breadth and the basion-to- bregma height, all as defined in Bass (1995, 68-79), Of these, the major interest for this study was the cranial length and breadth, from which a cranial index (CI) was obtained (breadth x 100 / length) for assessment of the extent of brachycranialism in the study population. Of the 118 skeletons examined, a cranial index was obtained for 60 individuals although, as shown in Appendix 6, in three cases this was from the literature rather than by direct measurement. For these 60 individuals, 54 were assignable to a sex with a confidence rating of two or above and, of these, 52 have been used in the analysis.
Table 5.9: Distribution of stature: overall and by geographical area, the sexes being shown separately. + Standard deviation, number of skeletons in brackets was no greater nutritional stress on the Chalcolithic-Early Bronze Age population than was experienced in later times (the twentieth/twenty-first centuries excluded). Age Group
Table 5.9: Distribution of stature: overall and by geographical area, the sexes being shown separately. + Standard deviation, number of skeletons in brackets was no greater nutritional stress on the Chalcolithic-Early Bronze Age population than was experienced in later times (the twentieth/twenty-first centuries excluded). Age Group
to nearest whole number for charting). The cranic ranges are taken from Bass (1995, 70). There was no significant difference in spread or average values of CI between the geographical areas of the study. The most dolichocranic (dolichocephalic) of the skulls, with a CI of 67.2, is a male who was interred with a Beaker (SK47, Newlands 1, Area 3b), dated to 2190-1950 BC at 95% probability. detail in Chapter 6. The question of the change in skull shape in Britain from the Neolithic (where skulls are principally dolichocranic) to the Chalcolithic (where brachycrania predominates) — as observed by Neil Brodie in his large-scale study of English crania dating from the Neolithic to the Early Bronze Age (1994) — is also discussed in Chapter 6, so will not be dealt with here.
to nearest whole number for charting). The cranic ranges are taken from Bass (1995, 70). There was no significant difference in spread or average values of CI between the geographical areas of the study. The most dolichocranic (dolichocephalic) of the skulls, with a CI of 67.2, is a male who was interred with a Beaker (SK47, Newlands 1, Area 3b), dated to 2190-1950 BC at 95% probability. detail in Chapter 6. The question of the change in skull shape in Britain from the Neolithic (where skulls are principally dolichocranic) to the Chalcolithic (where brachycrania predominates) — as observed by Neil Brodie in his large-scale study of English crania dating from the Neolithic to the Early Bronze Age (1994) — is also discussed in Chapter 6, so will not be dealt with here.
Figure 5.18: Direction of orientation of main axis of short cists in the Be>BP study. Length of line indicates the number of short cists with that orientation (Illustration: Meg Hutchison) eliminated from the study set either because they were unsexable juveniles (three) or because the sex could not be stated with a confidence level of two or more. The remaining 58 individuals (which are marked with * adjacent to the cist name in Appendix 6) are used in this part of the study.
Figure 5.18: Direction of orientation of main axis of short cists in the Be>BP study. Length of line indicates the number of short cists with that orientation (Illustration: Meg Hutchison) eliminated from the study set either because they were unsexable juveniles (three) or because the sex could not be stated with a confidence level of two or more. The remaining 58 individuals (which are marked with * adjacent to the cist name in Appendix 6) are used in this part of the study.
Related topics:
Bronze Age BritainBell Beaker Culture
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