Britain, Europe and the United States: change and continuity

The US-UK «Special Relationship»: Interactions with the international order from the 1950s to the post-Brexit era, 2023

The current dissertation aims to analyse the evolution of the US-UK "special relationship" from 1945 to the present day, focusing on the impact of systemic and intra-systemic changes. Methodologically, the "special relationship" is traced through the structural influences of the international system, and a comparative examination is conducted to determine the extent to which systemic changes, such as the transition from a bipolar system during the Cold War to a unipolar system after the end of the Cold War, and intra-systemic changes, such as the Iraq war, Brexit, and the AUKUS security agreement, have influenced the "special relationship." The Anglo-American theme is explored in three chapters, taking into account the history of the relationship and its development. The first chapter provides an overview of Anglo-American relations and the political-historical background of the two countries. The second chapter examines the origins and development of the "special relationship," including its evolution and adaptation to meet the challenges of the Cold War. The third chapter assesses the evolution of the "special relationship" with a focus on key events and its relevance in the present day. Despite various international and domestic challenges, the "special relationship" between the UK and the US remains a significant factor in international relations and has played a central role in shaping the global order. Copying, storage, and distribution of this thesis in whole or in part for commercial purposes are prohibited. Reproduction, storage, and distribution for non-profit, educational, or research purposes are permitted, provided that the source is acknowledged and this message is retained. Questions regarding the use of the thesis for profit should be directed to the author. Approval of a thesis by Panteion University of Social and Political Sciences does not imply acceptance of the author's views.

POLITICKÉ VEDY - journal for political science modern history international relations security studies, 2020

This article analyses emergence and development of the Common Security and Defence Policy of the European Union and the role of key countries (Berlin-Paris-London axis) in that process. The aim of the paper is to detect the internal and external obstacles and challenges to the integration of this policy with specific focus on the Brexit and “new” transatlantic relations. In this regard, the authors aim to explore how withdrawal of the United Kingdom of the Great Britain and Northern Ireland, as Europe`s strongest military country, from the European Union will reflect on the future development and integration of the Common Security and Defence Policy of European Union and “new” transatlantic partnership that had begun by Donald Trump`s election for the President of the United States of America. Authors hold that these two challenges set the future integration of the Common Security and Defence Policy into the limbo and further consider that French-German partnership and relationships with the countries of the “New Europe” will be crucial to the new strategic positioning of this policy and in eliminating negative implications of the aforementioned challenges.

Scientific opinion: Economics and Management

The article is devoted to the analysis of the peculiarities of the foreign policy of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland in both bilateral and multilateral aspects. Relations between the UK and Ukraine are developing rapidly. The article also examines UK’s relations with the USA, Germany, and China. First of all, economic relations between the UK and the USA are analyzed in the article. In UK-Germany relations much attention is paid to maintaining strong economic ties. In UK-China relations it is worth noting that relations between the two countries are tense, but at the same time both parties are interested in continuous economic cooperation. In the article, it is stressed that the UK is an active participant in many international organizations. NATO is the primary way for the UK to achieve national and collective security, while AUKUS aims to strengthen security in the Pacific region. The Commonwealth also plays an important role as a means of extending Britis...

The Atlantic alliance under stress: US- …, 2005

A bridge too far: the United Kingdom and the transatlantic relationship William Wallace and Tim Oliver For the past fifty years, British foreign policy has attempted to act as a " bridge" between continental European governments which (at least from the perspective of the British ...

European Security, 2019

Given the current geopolitical situations in Europe and the United States, Europe and America: The End of the Transatlantic Relationship? is both timely and insightful. Both the United States and the European Union are on foreign policy trajectories that were, until 2016, unexpected. This is true as regards their general foreign policy as well as their foreign policy vis-à-vis one another. Throw into the mix the (at present, unconcluded) departure from the European Union of one of the US' staunchest allies, a revanchist Russia, a rising China, continued instability in the Middle East and Africa and the fact that the US and the EU do not always see eye-toeye on these issues, and the future of the relationship becomes increasingly difficult to predict. And yet, attempting to predict the future of the US/European relationship is one of the two stated purposes of this book. The first purpose is to help the reader "better understand which variables determine the foreign policies of" Europe and America through a 10-case study comparison. Through this case-study comparison, the authors hope to accomplish the second purpose, "to try to foresee the future of transatlantic relations" (p. 2). To accomplish these purposes, the editor, Federiga Bindi, rightly diversifies the case study countries to include four "big" European countries (Germany, France, Italy, the United Kingdom), two "midsize" European countries (Poland, Spain), two "small" European countries (Czech Republic, Denmark), and finish up with two of Europe's primary influencers/partners: the United States as the primary focus of this work, and its primary rival on the continent, Russia. The editor not only diversifies the cases, but also allows the authors considerable flexibility in their approach and structure with four important results. First, the reader is able to identify common trends across the countries and regions. For example, France, Italy and Spain are all lukewarm toward NATO, while the UK, Poland, Denmark and the Czech Republic all strongly favour NATO involvement on the continent. Germany is somewhere in between (more on this later). Some of this is historical (de Gaulle's uneasy relationship with the US and the UK, and Denmark being one of the stalwarts within NATO), and some of it is much more political (domestic opposition to NATO campaigns in Spain is equally rivalled by domestic support for NATO in the Czech Republic). Regardless of the cause, the book highlights key generalisations such as regional geopolitical preferences vis-à-vis the US. Second, and following on from the first, the diversity in content and structure allows the reader to get a sense of the complexity facing the US if they are to maintain a strong relationship with Europe. The diversity of interests across Europe means that the US, in maintaining a strong relationship with Europe, will also be more closely tied with troubles in northern and sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East, the Balkans, and the rising influence of Russia and China within Europe. Where the US may be involved with some of these issues anyway (specifically the Middle East, Russia and China), the book really highlights the potential magnification and diversification of such tensions that, were the US to draw down their relationship with Europe, do not necessarily need be. That's a tempting proposition to a US that, under current President Donald Trump, is unabashedly "America first". Third, the diversity does allow for some predictability as regards the US/European relationship going forward. This is because most relations between the US and the individual case EUROPEAN SECURITY

Europe v. America: The Transatlantic Divide over International Security Paper delivered to the Conference on New Security Agendas in Europe, organized by the Menzies Centre, London, and the Department of War Studies, King's College London, June 2004 Remy Davison School of Government University of Tasmania In the 1950s, Karl Deutsch wrote of a transatlantic ‘security community’ More recently, Barry Buzan (1983) emphasized the profound structural implications for the international system of a ‘fully-developed’ European Union. In the post-Cold War era, both intra-European and transatlantic divisions have emerged over key issues in international security, such as fighting terrorism, and intervention in Afghanistan and Iraq. Many players in the new Europe of the post-Cold War era find themselves at significant variance with many of the security doctrines with which traditionally. These include a North Atlantic alliance; the development of Europe as a ‘third force’ in international politics; and a commitment to a wider, deeper process of European integration which sought to implement not only a single European market, but also common foreign, security and defence policies. A multi-track Europe has emerged, comprising proponents of American power; opponents of US unilateralism; and uncommitted neutrals. The newly-expanded EU from 2004 will include east European members of NATO, many of which supported US intervention in Iraq, cohabiting with ‘old Europe’ opponents of the American ‘hyperpower’, such as France and Germany. Russia, together with Germany, has also demonstrated a new willingness to act in opposition to American foreign policy. As Jean Dufourcq of the EU Military Committee argues, the transatlantic divide is ‘no longer a debatable issue; it is a reality that has resulted from a variety of convergent circumstances.’ (Dufourcq, 2004). In a global imbalance of power, three European states - Russia, Germany and France (together with China) - have developed a distinct preference for multilateral initiatives, with a view to ‘diluting’ American power via the development of a multipolar global order. Conversely, a number of the major ‘Anglo-Saxon’ powers - the UK and Australia - have supported the US’s anti-terrorist initiatives and pre-emption doctrines strongly. As a consequence of these divisions, the chasm between European and American security policy has rarely been as deep as it is at present. Has this chasm developed as a result of 9/11 and the Bush Administration’s policies, such as NMD/TMD, the ‘war on terror’ and the American-led intervention in Iraq? Asman (2003) argues that ‘One of the most striking consequences of the Bush administration's foreign policy tenure has been the collapse of the Atlantic alliance - the current rift has been unprecedented in its scope, intensity, and, at times, pettiness.’ How profound is this rift between the transatlantic allies? What is the likely impact this division will have upon the international security architecture? This paper argues that the division over security policy in Europe represents a profound shift in the dynamics of the international system, as some of the major powers seek to redress the imbalance of a unipolar system dominated by American military power. The paper conjectures that this renewed struggle over the balance of power has not been in evidence since the Cold War.

2003

Društvena istražživanja-Časopis za opća društvena …, 2009

Аctual Problems of International Relations, 2010

Natalya Yakovenko * US-UK SPECIAL RELATIONSHIP IN THE MODERN WORLD В статті йдеться про історично обумовлене започаткування, еволюцію і поглиблення англо-американських «особливих відносин». Зазначається неоднозначність і мінливий характер особливих відносин на окремих етапах розвитку двостороннього співробітництва. Наголошується на важливості подальшого розвитку цих відносин для обох держав. 'America never had a wiser patriot, nor Britain a truer friend'. M. Thatcher * доктор історичних наук, професор кафедри міжнародних організацій і дипломатичної служби Інституту міжнародних відносин Київського національного університету імені Тараса Шевченка