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Outline

Syncope, umlaut, and prosodic structure in early Germanic ∗

2005

Abstract

A theory of sound change based on Stratal OT is presented and applied to early Germanic syncope and umlaut. Section 2 puts forward four phonological and morphological arguments to show that the Germanic weak preterite had a compound-like prosodic structure, inherited from its periphrastic origin. The weak preterite fused into a single prosodic word early in North Germanic and Old English but retained its complex prosody late in continental West Germanic. The relative chronology of fusion, syncope, and umlaut divides early Germanic into five dialect groups. Section 3 draws on these ideas for a new account of Nordic syncope. The special features of early Nordic syncope are traced to its more restrictive syllable structure. The key move is to reframe the traditional syllable weight conditions on syncope as prosodic constraints that govern its output. This yields a periodization into three successively more general stages of syncope. At the first stage (550-600 A.D.), syncope applies freely on condition that it may not produce a syllable of more than two moras, or in a foot of less than two moras, with word-final consonants counting as weightless. Syncope is then extended to allow three-mora syllables. A second extension occurs around 800, when word-final consonants become capable of bearing weight. Section 4 outlines the issues and motivates the treatment of phonologization in Stratal OT. It is conceptually the diachronic counterpart of phonological opacity and explained like it by the serial relation between the lexical and postlexical constraint systems. A set of predictions is derived about when and how sound changes interact with existing phonological constraints. Section 5 applies this understanding of syncope to the long-standing problem of Nordic umlaut. Armed with Stratal OT, we can solve the problem simply by dating it between the first stages of syncope.

References (95)

  1. raisido-kA 'I raised' (Ellestad, dating disputed: 500-550 according to Antonsen 2002: 300; an archaizing inscription from ca. 800 according to KJ 132).
  2. Final syllables:
  3. WidugastiR (Sunde, ca. 500, KJ 198).
  4. SaligastiR, ÞaliR (Berga, ca. 500, KJ 193).
  5. haukoþuR 'hawker' ('hawkeye') (Vånga, ca. 500, KJ 147).
  6. erilaR 'priest' (?), wilagaR 'cunning' (Lindholm, early 6th c., KJ 69).
  7. Asugisalas, erilaR (Kragehul, early 6th c., KJ 64).
  8. HarabanaR, erilaR, waritu [warītu] 'I write' (Järsberg, 500-550, KJ 156).
  9. irilar, Wiwila [wīwila] (Veblungsnes, ca. 550, KJ 126; or ca. 500, K 172).
  10. laiþigaR (Møgedal, 500-550, KJ 195).
  11. hiwigaR, -winaR ( Årstad, ca. 550, KJ 130).
  12. SigimaraR [-māraR] (Ellestad).
  13. At STAGE 1 from 550 to 600 A.D. syncope applies, but only where *µµµ and FOOTBIN per- mit. Final -C is weightless, that is, it does not make a mora. The two-mora syllable maximum and the two-mora word minimum are never transgressed. This is achieved not just "passively" by blocking of syncope, but, where possible also "actively" by repairing the output of syncope with glide deletion, contraction, or epenthesis, as the case may be. The point is that syncope applies both after light syllables and after heavy syllables, but only when the output conforms to *µµµ and FOOTBIN. Thus, in the derivations below, the parenthesized intermediate representations were probably never pronounced as such. They were virtual forms, repaired directly by one of these processes. Starred forms are reconstructed phonological forms, unstarred forms are translitera- tions of the actual runic word, with its assumed pronunciation indicated in square brackets where necessary.
  14. STAGE 1, 550-600: syncope where *µµµ and FOOTBIN permit; final -C weightless. a. Syncope in medial syllables: two-mora maximum allows -V, -VC, but not -VC or -VCC.
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