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Outline

Beats-and-binding phonology

2002

Abstract

of the right-hand side of the relation 3., i.e. sondis (C 1 ,C 2)< sondis (C 2 ,V 2). 5.3.3.2. Graphic derivation of the left-hand side of the relation 3., i.e. sondis (V, C 1) ≥ sondis (C 1 ,C 2). 5.3.4. Cluster Space for doubles 5.3.5. Initial triple clusters 5.3.6. Final triple clusters 5.3.7. Medial triple clusters 5.3.8. Cluster Space for triples 5.4. Scopes of the phonotactic well-formedness conditions 5.5. On the potential of the presented model of phonotactics 5.6. Advantages of the presented model of phonotactics over Sonority Sequencing Principle PART II. INTERNAL LINGUISTIC EVIDENCE FOR THE MODEL CHAPTER SIX. LANGUAGE-SPECIFIC PHONOTACTICS 6.1. Polish 6.1.1. Generative phonotactics of Polish 6.1.2. Descriptive phonotactics of Polish 6.1.3. Polish phonotactics and the universal phonotactic preferences 6.2. English 6.2.1. Descriptive phonotactics of English 6.2.2. English phonotactics and the universal phonotactic preferences 6.3. German 6.3.1. Descriptive phonotactics of German 6.3.2. German phonotactics and the universal phonotactic preferences 6.4. Processes 'repairing' phonotactics

References (604)

  1. respect the syllabic position. CV may exchange with VC, e.g. in the successive approximations of Wernicke aphasics: Germ. ein Sto:r, ein Sto: ein Sto: Stroh Stroh; Galf Gals Glas; Pol. par-prawie 'almost', na tkurej której 'on which'; kratka kartka 'a sheet of paper', zapła zapał 'eagerness' and very numerous other examples. Finally, apraxics are claimed to syllabify. But apraxia of speech is of a phonetic nature (albeit disputably for some, cf. e.g. Lebrun 1990). It is defined as "Störung des Enkodierens phonologischer Muster in angemessene phonetische Muster" (Dittmann 1991: 61) or as a distortion of the programming of speech movements (Ziegler 1991: 89). Therefore, the evidence from apraxia concerns the ways in which apraxics overcome their phonetic hurdles and as such is a task to interpret phonologically.
  2. Aphasic phenomena in terms of Beats-and-Binding phonology 12.3.1. Evidence for rhythmic regularity 12.3.1.1. Regularization towards trochaic feet. Rhythmicization can become optimalized (cf. Dressler 1988a), i.e. it can lead to the regularization of trochaic feet, e.g. Raúchfàngkéhrer ['rk,hf], Primárius [,brn'ma:ris], Soldátentùm ['soltn,tantm], práktischer ['pakt,r], Novémber ['so:ß,tnd]. In order to account for these disturbances it suffices to assume rhythmical beats and a preference for a trochee as well as a preference for the n B binding (cf. Chapter 4). Also Stark and Stark (1990) found rhythmicization effects in the phonological paraphasias investigated through repetition of compounds, e.g. Spárb`üchse Páschtet, Schúl`öffel
  3. Schn'üglehòaben, Sch'üttel, Reísfleìsch Reíselh`ögel, Bléchl`öffel ['b'loefoel]; cf.
  4. Póstgàsse Póst[]kàsse, práktischer ['pakt,rs], Novémber ['mp,tmb] in
  5. Lindner (1985: 62, 68).
  6. In Serbian and Croatian 221 , the only consonantal beat /r / is distributed similarly to vowels, e.g. /jr vo/ like /jivo/, /r /, /sar /, like /o/, /sau/, i.e. exactly parallel to n B bindings (CV's). /r zai/ like /uzak/, however, is also possible, i.e. an N n binding (parallel to a B n one).
  7. Also in Czech, consonants tend to vocalize according to the {nN} > {Nn} preference. The two consonantal beats /r / and /l / do not appear at the beginning of a word, thus for example in /rčeni/ there are only two beats, in /rtut'/ there is only one beat, so an N n binding is avoided. In /tr n/, /pr st/, /pl n/, /vl  č/, /ml č/, both n N and N n bindings are present. However, in /vítr /, /bratr /, /bobr /, /vichr /, /mysl /, /vezl / (also /sedm /, /osm / -poss. pronun. /sedum/, /osum/) only an n N binding is present. Interestingly, /j/ blocks N- formation e.g. in /pejr/ (vs. /humr /, /vsiml /). Notice that /-jr/ observes the phonotactic preference for word-final clusters (cf. 5.3.2.). Therefore, no need for N-formation arises.
  8. Vowel reductions in Polish phonostylistics appear to be controversial. On the one hand, according to the above discussed preference for n N, melodia becomes [ml odia] after the loss of the first vowel, federalnej becomes [fedr alnej] etc. (cf. Rubach 1977: 73). Note, however, that in this way a new beat N is adjacent to a vocalic beat B, and thus a highly dysfunctional 222 sequence is created (cf. footnote 6 above). On the other hand, the data from Dressler & Madelska (1989: 85) point rather to the reductions towards [m lodia], [fed ralnej] or [ f deralnej], /v ogule/ [vog le] ( [vogle]) etc. In [m lodia] and [ f deralnej], the non- adjacency condition is respected; also, the initial consonantal clusters would be bad initial doubles (cf. 5.3.1.). In [fed ralnej] and [vog le], however, N's and B's are adjacent. Those variants may constitute an intermediate stage before a complete loss of an N-beat, when the "new" medial clusters -dr-and -gl-start to be treated according to their status, i.e. as initial doubles (they are both good initials, cf.
  9. Croatian, /r / has vowel features, e.g. length and distinctive intonation; it is also, as already mentioned above, distributed in the same positions as vowels. It is evident that in /sar /, an n N binding /r / is stronger than a B n one /a/, since otherwise /r/ would be weakened or lost altogether (cf. Pol. wiatr). The same holds for an already mentioned subset of words containing N's in Czech, i.e. /vítr /, /bratr /, /bobr /, /vichr /, /mysl /, /vezl / etc. Further, one would expect long (=double) beats to be preferably vocalic, i.e. BB > NN. This is confirmed by the observation that long consonantal beats (NN) are allowed when N's have the same status as vowels in a language, as e.g. in Serbian and Croatian 223 , but not in Czech. Although length is the only relevant feature of Czech vowels, /r / and /l / cannot be long, which is seen best when the length is expected morphologically e.g. in dim. formation: hrad - hra dek, les -(le sek-) li  sek, dub -(du bek-) doubek, BUT: k/r /k-k/r /ček, s/r /p-s/r /pek, vl k- vl ček. It is also predicted that N+N hiatus will be avoided, just as B+B hiatus (or even more so, since B>N). Thus also the hiatus of N and B will be avoided (as already mentioned above). In Serbian/Croatian, consonantal beats do occur before and after a vowel (vocalic beat), but only 221 The data on Serbian, Croatian and Czech are taken from Mares (1988). 222 as well as counterintuitive 223 cf. also Macedonian and Slovenian /r /, Slovak /r / and /l /.
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