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Sociology
Political Sociology

Narrative and Social Movements

Profile image of Francesca PollettaFrancesca Polletta

2012, The Oxford Handbook of Cultural Sociology, edited by Jeffrey C. Alexander, Ron Jacobs, and Philip Smith. Oxford Univ. Press.

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Abstract

social movements as culture activists have found themselves bedeviled by audiences' tendency to assimilate their stories to the familiar, no matter what they actually say. This is one way in which activists struggle with the constraints levied by narrative. The other has less to do with narrative's form than with the conventions of its use and evaluation. Modern Americans view stories in diverse, indeed, contradictory ways: as authentic but also deceptive, universal but also idiosyncratic, and normatively powerful but also politically unserious. However, these views are patterned: Concerns about the credibility, generalizability, and value of storytelling are more likely to be triggered by some users and in some contexts rather than others. Narrative's power, in other words, is unevenly distributed. In this sense, culture may curb challenge less through the canonical limits on what kinds of stories can be imagined than through the social conventions regarding when and how stories should be told.

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While much social science literature has analyzed the cultural bases of social movement, activity, and the content of cultural production by social movements, relatively little has been written about the concrete social relations within which social movements do culture. This paper addresses the issue of what social movements are doing when they produce culture. Four dimensions of social relations within

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The authors of this volume ask how discontented, but compliant, publics can mobilize to demand political change. It is not obvious. Organized collective action to challenge the status quo, as opposed to the occasional outburst of resentment, does not "just happen." Nor does it occur as an automatic response to the availability of tools described elsewhere in this book-citizen report cards, public expenditure tracking, participatory budgeting, social audits, right-to-information acts, and so on. Nor does it arise as a result of a provi dential convergence of resources and opportunities, as often described by social movement theorists. Organized collectiveaction challenging the status quo-a social movementrequires leadership that goes far beyond a stereotypical charismatic public persona with whom it is often identified. Unable to rely on established bureau cratic structures for coordination, evaluation, and action, such action depends on voluntary participation, shared commitments, and ongoing motivation. Movements must mobilize under risky conditions not only because wellresourced oppositions often resist their efforts,but also because the undertaking itself is fraught with uncertainty about how-and whether-it can happen in the first place. The capacity of a social movement for effectiveaction depends largely on the depth, breadth, and quality of leadership able to turn opportu nity to purpose. Mobilizing others to achieve purpose under conditions of uncertaintywhat leaders do-challenges the hands, the head, and the heart. As shown in figure .1,the challengeof the "hands" is one of action, of learning, of adapt ing, and of mastering novelskills. The challengeof the head is one of strategy,

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Storytelling in Social Movements
Francesca Polletta

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Activists, like prophets, politicians, and advertising executives, have long recognized the power of a good story to move people to action. But what is it about stories that render them more politically effective than other discursive forms? Just as important, are there political risks to telling stories-especially for groups challenging the status quo? Drawing on cases ranging from nineteenth century abolitionism to twentieth century movements around AIDS, abortion, child molestation, desegregation, and domestic abuse, I make two non-intuitive arguments. One is that stories' power comes not from the clarity of their moral message but from their allusiveness, indeed, their ambiguity. The other is that activists' ability to tell effective stories is shaped as much by the norms of stories' evaluation as by the norms of their content. In this sense, culture may curb challenge less through the canonical limits on what kinds of stories can be imagined than through the soci...

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