Reclaiming Applied Anthropology: Its Past, Present, and Future

American Anthropologist, 2006

American Anthropologist, 2006

American Anthropologist, 2006

Annals of Anthropological Practice, 2012

Over the past two decades, the brain sciences have gone through a revolution in theories and methods for understanding neural function and its connections with human cognition, experience, and variation. Today the brain sciences grapple with questions of human development, cross-cultural difference, and neuroplasticity, and scientific thought about the brain plays an increasingly prominent role in public thinking about medical and social problems. In this context, anthropology faces new opportunities for interdisciplinary engagement and cross fertilization. Especially as brain scientists try to move from the lab to positions of advocacy and engagement, anthropological insight should be increasingly valuable to the enterprise, given our field's tradition of cross-cultural research and its ability to analyze how neuroscientific knowledge plays out in society. Anthropologists can also draw on neuroscience to address problems that we face in the field and to develop novel applied approaches, even as we send new questions and important data back to imaging laboratories. "Neuroanthropology and Its Applications" shows the increasing development of this interdisciplinary field. The articles in this issue demonstrate the combination of theory and application at the core of this emerging area of scholarship, focusing specifically on work in sociocultural arenas, mental and behavioral health, and political-economic influences on human functioning. This special issue together with a new edited volume (Lende and Downey 2012), indicate how rapidly this field is growing (see also Campbell

American Anthropologist, 2006

Food in the Ancient World describes foods produced and consumed from the beginnings of Egyptian Predynastic (4000 B.C.E.) to the end of the Roman Empire (C.E. fifth century), focusing on four civilizations: the Egyptians, Greeks, Celts, and Romans. Joan P. Alcock's sources of information are Greek and Roman texts and Egyptian hieroglyphs, iconography, and archaeology. Because the Egyptians, Greeks, and Celts were later subsumed under the control of Rome, the book concentrates most heavily on the Roman Empire. After three lists, including biographies of classical authors, bibliographic information for major sources, and a timeline, chapter 1 provides summary information about each civilization. Alcock reviews extant population estimates and provides details about climate, natural environments, planting cycles, systems of land tenure, agricultural practices, and patterns of trade (esp. of Rome). In chapter 2, Alcock highlights individual foods, describing where, how, and by whom each was cultivated, used, and consumed. The exhaustive list ranges from cereals, legumes, fruits, and meat to crustacea, beverages, weeds, and dairy products. The chapter reads like a series of encyclopedia entries, combining data from primary classical sources and archaeology. Information about each civilization is dispersed throughout the entries. Chapter 3 describes food-processing techniques, cooking methods, and technologies used by the Greeks, Romans, Egyptians, and Celts. Alcock discusses the different settings in which the elites ate as compared to members of the lower classes. People in power viewed bars, taverns, hotels, and ancient versions of fast-food restaurants with suspicion because of the subversive political discussions and competitive drinking that often accompanied people's visits to these establishments. In chapter 4, Alcock examines each civilization in more detail. The author traces the development of agriculture, introduction of new foods, and changes in food consumption chronologically as they relate to major cultural historical events. The author provides details about the political poli

Ethos, 2011

In this article, I examine clinical dilemmas in treating adolescents with eating disorders under the U.S. managed healthcare system. Managed care is built on a rational choice model of human behavior with little room for considering developmental processes. In this model, adolescents figure as little more than failed adults. This poses significant problems: if treatment providers prioritize developmental issues over quantifiable behavioral milestones, they risk jeopardizing continued coverage for their clients. If they prioritize quantifiable behavioral change without attending to underlying developmental concerns, they risk not affecting lasting change. Through a case study of a client in treatment for an eating disorder, I illustrate how this dilemma frames everyday encounters and negatively impacts client care, while at the same time missing developmentally meaningful opportunities for healing. An outline for a proposed applied psychiatric anthropology is presented, together with specific recommendations for adolescent mental health policy, research, and practice. [applied psychiatric anthropology, mental health, managed care, adolescence, eating disorders] Managed care is currently the dominant mechanism for health service delivery in the United States. Built on a rational-choice model of human action with profitability as the ultimate good, managed care is predicated on the standardization of a product (health care) across domains, a regulation of the provision of that product, and a rationing of the supply of the product to maximize economic profit and minimize loss. To do this, managed care organizations such as Blue Cross, Aetna, and UnitedHealthcare contract with hospitals and providers to offer services to subscribers at reduced costs; what Donald (2001:427) calls "the Wal-Marting of American psychiatry." Clinicians often find themselves torn between following protocols that ensure continued coverage, versus providing what they feel would be the best care practices for that client (

American Anthropologist, 2006

Food in the Ancient World describes foods produced and consumed from the beginnings of Egyptian Predynastic (4000 B.C.E.) to the end of the Roman Empire (C.E. fifth century), focusing on four civilizations: the Egyptians, Greeks, Celts, and Romans. Joan P. Alcock's sources of information are Greek and Roman texts and Egyptian hieroglyphs, iconography, and archaeology. Because the Egyptians, Greeks, and Celts were later subsumed under the control of Rome, the book concentrates most heavily on the Roman Empire. After three lists, including biographies of classical authors, bibliographic information for major sources, and a timeline, chapter 1 provides summary information about each civilization. Alcock reviews extant population estimates and provides details about climate, natural environments, planting cycles, systems of land tenure, agricultural practices, and patterns of trade (esp. of Rome). In chapter 2, Alcock highlights individual foods, describing where, how, and by whom each was cultivated, used, and consumed. The exhaustive list ranges from cereals, legumes, fruits, and meat to crustacea, beverages, weeds, and dairy products. The chapter reads like a series of encyclopedia entries, combining data from primary classical sources and archaeology. Information about each civilization is dispersed throughout the entries. Chapter 3 describes food-processing techniques, cooking methods, and technologies used by the Greeks, Romans, Egyptians, and Celts. Alcock discusses the different settings in which the elites ate as compared to members of the lower classes. People in power viewed bars, taverns, hotels, and ancient versions of fast-food restaurants with suspicion because of the subversive political discussions and competitive drinking that often accompanied people's visits to these establishments. In chapter 4, Alcock examines each civilization in more detail. The author traces the development of agriculture, introduction of new foods, and changes in food consumption chronologically as they relate to major cultural historical events. The author provides details about the political poli

American Anthropologist, 2006

American Anthropologist, 2006

American Anthropologist, 2006

Food in the Ancient World describes foods produced and consumed from the beginnings of Egyptian Predynastic (4000 B.C.E.) to the end of the Roman Empire (C.E. fifth century), focusing on four civilizations: the Egyptians, Greeks, Celts, and Romans. Joan P. Alcock's sources of information are Greek and Roman texts and Egyptian hieroglyphs, iconography, and archaeology. Because the Egyptians, Greeks, and Celts were later subsumed under the control of Rome, the book concentrates most heavily on the Roman Empire. After three lists, including biographies of classical authors, bibliographic information for major sources, and a timeline, chapter 1 provides summary information about each civilization. Alcock reviews extant population estimates and provides details about climate, natural environments, planting cycles, systems of land tenure, agricultural practices, and patterns of trade (esp. of Rome). In chapter 2, Alcock highlights individual foods, describing where, how, and by whom each was cultivated, used, and consumed. The exhaustive list ranges from cereals, legumes, fruits, and meat to crustacea, beverages, weeds, and dairy products. The chapter reads like a series of encyclopedia entries, combining data from primary classical sources and archaeology. Information about each civilization is dispersed throughout the entries. Chapter 3 describes food-processing techniques, cooking methods, and technologies used by the Greeks, Romans, Egyptians, and Celts. Alcock discusses the different settings in which the elites ate as compared to members of the lower classes. People in power viewed bars, taverns, hotels, and ancient versions of fast-food restaurants with suspicion because of the subversive political discussions and competitive drinking that often accompanied people's visits to these establishments. In chapter 4, Alcock examines each civilization in more detail. The author traces the development of agriculture, introduction of new foods, and changes in food consumption chronologically as they relate to major cultural historical events. The author provides details about the political poli

2021

There is an ongoing debate in anthropology on the kinds of subject positions activists ascribe to the marginalized actors they encounter and the political consequences this brings about. Drawing from ethnographic research on refugee activism in Germany and transitional justice activism in Uganda, we revisit the respective debates on humanitarian activism, human rights activism, and political activism and argue to reframe the analysis. Instead of looking for the “right” subject position activists should ascribe to the people they engage with, the anthropology of activism should embrace a research approach that looks at the material conditions, in which activists and their subjects find themselves in and the kind of agency they are able to develop within these conditions.

American Journal of Community Psychology, 2009

This paper addresses intertwined issues in the conceptualization, implementation and evaluation of multilevel dynamic systems intervention science (MDSIS). Interventions are systematically planned, conducted and evaluated social science-based cultural products intercepting the lives of people and institutions in the context of multiple additional events and processes (which also may be referred to as interventions) that may speed, slow or reduce change towards a desired outcome. Multilevel interventions address change efforts at multiple social levels in the hope that effects at each level will forge synergistic links, facilitating movement toward desired change. This paper utilizes an ecological framework that identifies macro (policy and regulatory institutions), meso (organizations and agencies with resources, and power) and micro (individuals, families and friends living in communities) interacting directly and indirectly. An MDSIS approach hypothesizes that change toward a goal will occur faster and more effectively when synchronized and supported across levels in a social system. MDSIS approaches by definition involve ''whole'' communities and cannot be implemented without the establishments of working community partnerships This paper takes a dynamic systems approach to science as conducted in communities, and discusses four concepts that are central to MDSIS-science, community, culture, and sustainability. These concepts are important in community based participatory research and to the targeting, refinement, and adaptation of enduring interventions. Consistency in their meaning and use can promote forward movement in the field of MDSIS, and in community-based prevention science.

American Anthropologist, 2012

This article explores shifts in anthropological career opportunities and subjectivities in the United States since World War II. Survey and interview data reveal a lively discourse surrounding the changing job market in which practicing anthropology outside of the academy is often identified as a secondary occupational choice. We argue that the nonacademic practitioner's subjectivity is defined in contrast to (and by) academically based anthropologists and the long-standing, but often implicit, hierarchy of universities and programs. Typically, the nonacademic "other" is further marginalized by his or her gender and racial-ethnic minority status. However, we find evidence of a "sea change" within the discipline, led by nonuniversity-based practitioners and a subset of departments (often with a commitment to applied anthropology), that produces and links practitioners with students and faculty in their programs. [careers, practicing anthropology, gender] Subjectivités des carrières dans l'anthropologie auxÉtats-Unis: sexe, pratique, et résistance Cet article examine les transformations dans les perspectives de carrière et des subjectivités auxÉtats-Unis depuis la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Les données recueillies au cours de sondages et d'entretiens nous révèlent une discussion animée sur le marché de l'emploi changeant, où exercer le métier d'antropologue hors du milieu universitaire s'apparentè a un choix de métier secondaire. Nous soutenons que la subjectivité du praticien non-universitaire se définit par contraste avec (et par) des anthropologues dans les universités ainsi qu'une hiérarchie bienétablie, mais souvent implicite, d'universités et de programmes d'études. Typiquement, l' "autre" non-universitaire est encore plus marginalisé par son sexe et par son statut minoritaire racial/éthnique. Toutefois, nous trouvons des signes d'un bouleversement dans la discipline, bouleversement initié par des praticiens non-universitaires et par un sous-ensemble de départements (souvent engagés dans l'anthropologie appliquée) qui forment des praticiens et lient ceux-ci aux etudiants et aux professeurs dans ces départements. Las subjetividades de carrera en la antropología de los Estados Unidos: Género, práctica y resistencia Este artículo explora los cambios en las oportunidades de carrera antropológica y las subjetividades en los Estados Unidos desde la Primera Guerra Mundial. Los datos de entrevista y encuesta revelan un discurso animado sobre el mercado de trabajo cambiante en lo que la práctica de la antropología fuera de la academia frecuentemente es la opción profesional secundaria. Argumentamos que la subjetividad del practicante no docente se define en contra de (y por) antropólogos licenciados y la jerarquía antigua pero implícita de las universidades y de los programas. Usualmente, el "otro" no-académico es marginalizado por su género y estatus racial-étnico minoritario. No obstante encontramos evidencia de una transformación dentro de la disciplina, dirigida por practicantes no licenciados y un subconjunto de departamentos (frecuentemente comprometido con antropología aplicada) que producen practicantes y los conectan con estudiantes y educadores en sus programas.

American Anthropologist, 2006

Food in the Ancient World describes foods produced and consumed from the beginnings of Egyptian Predynastic (4000 B.C.E.) to the end of the Roman Empire (C.E. fifth century), focusing on four civilizations: the Egyptians, Greeks, Celts, and Romans. Joan P. Alcock's sources of information are Greek and Roman texts and Egyptian hieroglyphs, iconography, and archaeology. Because the Egyptians, Greeks, and Celts were later subsumed under the control of Rome, the book concentrates most heavily on the Roman Empire. After three lists, including biographies of classical authors, bibliographic information for major sources, and a timeline, chapter 1 provides summary information about each civilization. Alcock reviews extant population estimates and provides details about climate, natural environments, planting cycles, systems of land tenure, agricultural practices, and patterns of trade (esp. of Rome). In chapter 2, Alcock highlights individual foods, describing where, how, and by whom each was cultivated, used, and consumed. The exhaustive list ranges from cereals, legumes, fruits, and meat to crustacea, beverages, weeds, and dairy products. The chapter reads like a series of encyclopedia entries, combining data from primary classical sources and archaeology. Information about each civilization is dispersed throughout the entries. Chapter 3 describes food-processing techniques, cooking methods, and technologies used by the Greeks, Romans, Egyptians, and Celts. Alcock discusses the different settings in which the elites ate as compared to members of the lower classes. People in power viewed bars, taverns, hotels, and ancient versions of fast-food restaurants with suspicion because of the subversive political discussions and competitive drinking that often accompanied people's visits to these establishments. In chapter 4, Alcock examines each civilization in more detail. The author traces the development of agriculture, introduction of new foods, and changes in food consumption chronologically as they relate to major cultural historical events. The author provides details about the political poli

Gerontology & Geriatrics Education, 2019

Representing one model of global aging education, international gerontological fieldwork placements provide opportunities to gain firsthand knowledge of the impact of cultural contexts both on the experience of aging and the provision of eldercare. The gerontology component of the NAPA (National Association for the Practice of Anthropology)-OT Field School in Antigua, Guatemala fostered intercultural competence through student engagement in eldercare research and service provision in a residential care facility for older Guatemalans. Field trips to additional medical and gerontological care settings expanded students' perspectives of Guatemalan health and aging networks. The process of implementing the international gerontological fieldwork model and issues involved in its day-today enactment are described, including the development and initial year of the program, its underlying theoretical framework of social and occupational justice, the challenges involved, the trajectory of student involvement in the facility, social dynamics among students and residents, and the final outcomes of our work.

American Anthropologist, 2006

Food in the Ancient World describes foods produced and consumed from the beginnings of Egyptian Predynastic (4000 B.C.E.) to the end of the Roman Empire (C.E. fifth century), focusing on four civilizations: the Egyptians, Greeks, Celts, and Romans. Joan P. Alcock's sources of information are Greek and Roman texts and Egyptian hieroglyphs, iconography, and archaeology. Because the Egyptians, Greeks, and Celts were later subsumed under the control of Rome, the book concentrates most heavily on the Roman Empire. After three lists, including biographies of classical authors, bibliographic information for major sources, and a timeline, chapter 1 provides summary information about each civilization. Alcock reviews extant population estimates and provides details about climate, natural environments, planting cycles, systems of land tenure, agricultural practices, and patterns of trade (esp. of Rome). In chapter 2, Alcock highlights individual foods, describing where, how, and by whom each was cultivated, used, and consumed. The exhaustive list ranges from cereals, legumes, fruits, and meat to crustacea, beverages, weeds, and dairy products. The chapter reads like a series of encyclopedia entries, combining data from primary classical sources and archaeology. Information about each civilization is dispersed throughout the entries. Chapter 3 describes food-processing techniques, cooking methods, and technologies used by the Greeks, Romans, Egyptians, and Celts. Alcock discusses the different settings in which the elites ate as compared to members of the lower classes. People in power viewed bars, taverns, hotels, and ancient versions of fast-food restaurants with suspicion because of the subversive political discussions and competitive drinking that often accompanied people's visits to these establishments. In chapter 4, Alcock examines each civilization in more detail. The author traces the development of agriculture, introduction of new foods, and changes in food consumption chronologically as they relate to major cultural historical events. The author provides details about the political poli

American Anthropologist, 2006

Food in the Ancient World describes foods produced and consumed from the beginnings of Egyptian Predynastic (4000 B.C.E.) to the end of the Roman Empire (C.E. fifth century), focusing on four civilizations: the Egyptians, Greeks, Celts, and Romans. Joan P. Alcock's sources of information are Greek and Roman texts and Egyptian hieroglyphs, iconography, and archaeology. Because the Egyptians, Greeks, and Celts were later subsumed under the control of Rome, the book concentrates most heavily on the Roman Empire. After three lists, including biographies of classical authors, bibliographic information for major sources, and a timeline, chapter 1 provides summary information about each civilization. Alcock reviews extant population estimates and provides details about climate, natural environments, planting cycles, systems of land tenure, agricultural practices, and patterns of trade (esp. of Rome). In chapter 2, Alcock highlights individual foods, describing where, how, and by whom each was cultivated, used, and consumed. The exhaustive list ranges from cereals, legumes, fruits, and meat to crustacea, beverages, weeds, and dairy products. The chapter reads like a series of encyclopedia entries, combining data from primary classical sources and archaeology. Information about each civilization is dispersed throughout the entries. Chapter 3 describes food-processing techniques, cooking methods, and technologies used by the Greeks, Romans, Egyptians, and Celts. Alcock discusses the different settings in which the elites ate as compared to members of the lower classes. People in power viewed bars, taverns, hotels, and ancient versions of fast-food restaurants with suspicion because of the subversive political discussions and competitive drinking that often accompanied people's visits to these establishments. In chapter 4, Alcock examines each civilization in more detail. The author traces the development of agriculture, introduction of new foods, and changes in food consumption chronologically as they relate to major cultural historical events. The author provides details about the political poli

Annals of Anthropological Practice, 2015

American Anthropologist, 2006

Food in the Ancient World describes foods produced and consumed from the beginnings of Egyptian Predynastic (4000 B.C.E.) to the end of the Roman Empire (C.E. fifth century), focusing on four civilizations: the Egyptians, Greeks, Celts, and Romans. Joan P. Alcock's sources of information are Greek and Roman texts and Egyptian hieroglyphs, iconography, and archaeology. Because the Egyptians, Greeks, and Celts were later subsumed under the control of Rome, the book concentrates most heavily on the Roman Empire. After three lists, including biographies of classical authors, bibliographic information for major sources, and a timeline, chapter 1 provides summary information about each civilization. Alcock reviews extant population estimates and provides details about climate, natural environments, planting cycles, systems of land tenure, agricultural practices, and patterns of trade (esp. of Rome). In chapter 2, Alcock highlights individual foods, describing where, how, and by whom each was cultivated, used, and consumed. The exhaustive list ranges from cereals, legumes, fruits, and meat to crustacea, beverages, weeds, and dairy products. The chapter reads like a series of encyclopedia entries, combining data from primary classical sources and archaeology. Information about each civilization is dispersed throughout the entries. Chapter 3 describes food-processing techniques, cooking methods, and technologies used by the Greeks, Romans, Egyptians, and Celts. Alcock discusses the different settings in which the elites ate as compared to members of the lower classes. People in power viewed bars, taverns, hotels, and ancient versions of fast-food restaurants with suspicion because of the subversive political discussions and competitive drinking that often accompanied people's visits to these establishments. In chapter 4, Alcock examines each civilization in more detail. The author traces the development of agriculture, introduction of new foods, and changes in food consumption chronologically as they relate to major cultural historical events. The author provides details about the political poli

American Anthropologist, 2006

Thicker Than Water: The Origins of Blood as Symbol and Ritual. Melissa L. Meyer. New York: Routledge, 2005. 264 pp.

Social Movement Studies, 2012

In this article I examine the ethics of researching media-related activism in democratically restricted environments. Given that research participants in these locales often place a lot on the line to engage in their chosen political pursuits, including enduring government harassment and persecution, the ethics of conducting research about their activism deserves serious critical attention and analysis. Drawing on fieldwork examples from Southeast Asia, particularly Malaysia, I also critically address the safety and welfare of researchers working in restricted milieus and of students interning with politically oriented non-governmental and community-based organizations. Through this discussion I explore what kinds of activism can and should be included under the broad umbrella of activist research, and how academics balance scholarly production expectations with activist commitments on the ground. I contend that activist-oriented research can include a range of complementary hands-on activities, from front-line, direct-action social justice pursuits to less visible, though no less important, "back office" support for local organizations and social movements.