Greening the Colombian State?

Development and Change, 1996

Many parts of the world are threatened with environmental damage and degradation, affecting both the natural resources and the economy of the area. This article analyses the factors affecting the likelihood of different environmental policy reforms in Latin America, with particular emphasis on: the strengths and weaknesses of different groups which promote such reforms; the degree to which the reforms are compatible with the region's current economic policies; and how the type of political regime affects these issues. It reaches the conclusion that, although there has been progress in recent years, the possibility of carrying out far-reaching reforms which could substantially reduce pollution and resource depletion has been limited by: 1) the difficulties involved in linking environmental issues with concerns for social justice; 2) economic policies which promote the exploitation of natural resources and labour and weaken the public sector; and 3) the great influence over regional governments of groups with vested interests in continuing environmentally destructive activities.

Latin American Politics and Society, 2017

Using research conducted in Bogotá, Colombia, I discuss in this article how urban nature has been used as a vehicle by social movements to contest urban commons. The article explores the "environmentalization" of strategies and repertoires of social movements in urban struggles dating back to the 1980s, which developed in parallel with public urban planning debates. In recent years these were nurtured in turn by environmental discourse in a quest to change the city's growth paradigm. I suggest that the legitimacy of knowledge and law about urban nature advocacy is co-created by communities confronting institutions that are supposed to represent state power. This case study analyses conceptualizations of urban nature in and from Latin America, and shows that urban politics and environmental issues are part of a process in which political mobilization is a key element to overcome socio-ecological inequalities. Dans cet article, je discute de la manière dont la nature urbaine a été utilisée par les mouvements sociaux pour contester les biens communs urbains. À l'aide de recherches menées à Bogotá, en Colombie, l'article explore "l'environnementalisation" des stratégies et répertoires des mouvements sociaux dans les luttes urbaines des années 1980, qui s'est développée parallèlement aux débats publics sur l'urbanisme. Au cours des dernières années, le discours sur l'environnement s'est inspiré de ces discours pour tenter de changer le paradigme de la croissance de la ville. Je suggère que la légitimité du savoir et du droit en matière de défense de la nature urbaine soit co-créée par les communautés confrontées aux institutions censées représenter le pouvoir de l'État. Cette étude de cas analyse les conceptualisations de la nature urbaine en Amérique latine et à partir de celles-ci. Il montre que la politique urbaine et les problèmes environnementaux font partie d'un processus dans lequel la mobilisation politique est un élément clé pour surmonter les inégalités socio-écologiques. A través de una investigación llevada a cabo en Bogotá, Colombia, en este artículo argumento cómo la naturaleza urbana ha sido usada como un vehículo por movimientos sociales en la lucha por los comunes urbanos. El artículo explora la ambientalización de estrategias y repertorios de los movimientos sociales en luchas urbanas que se remontan hacia la década de 1980, en paralelo con debates públicos de planeación urbana. Aquellos debates, a su vez, fueron enriquecidos en años recientes con el discurso ambiental como una apuesta para cambiar el paradigma del modelo de crecimiento de ciudad. En el artículo también sugiero cómo la legitimidad del conocimiento y la ley sobre la defensa de la naturaleza urbana es co-creada por las comunidades que confrontan las instituciones que se supone representan el poder estatal. Este estudio de caso es una contribución para traer juntas conceptualizaciones acerca de la naturaleza urbana en y desde América Latina. Asimismo, la investigación ofrece algunas lecciones sobre cómo la política urbana y las preocupaciones ambientales son parte un mutuo proceso en donde la movilización política es un elemento clave para superar desigualdades socio-ecológicas.

This interdisciplinary article draws from the radical ideas of global political ecology (GPE), environmental politics, ecological economics and the sociological analysis of social movements. It seeks to help bridge the research gap regarding non-state actors' (NSAs) influence on the role of the nation-state and the United Nations in global political ecology and environmental policy, including emission reductions, such as anti-deforestation measures, and environmental justice. We consider NSAs as consisting of two heterogeneous global coalitions: a) civil society organizations (CSOs) and environmental non-governmental organizations, and b) peak corporate organizations with green economy objectives, here denominated green business organizations, representing transnational corporations (TNCs). After a review of prior studies, we present a version of an advocacy coalition framework; identify a timeline of changes in UN architecture and simplified NSA influence categories. We only begin to test very broad hypotheses on relative agency and to compare NSA narratives with UN documents. We show that the architecture of the UN has gradually shifted from favoring civil society to corporations. There is evidence that, in the late 1990s, in comparison with CSOs, TNCs increased their access to nation-states and UN agencies. The TNC narrative changed from a) denying climate change and ignoring the UN to b) recognizing change and guiding negotiations. These shifts in UN architecture, TNC agency and narrative appears to have influenced changes in UN documents towards a corporate global environmental framework, reducing their references to the regulatory and enforcement roles of the state and global binding agreements, shifting global debate towards a voluntary corporate orientation. This may have reduced prospects for reducing emissions and increasing environmental justice. Combining market mechanisms with strong regulatory frameworks is best practice for environmental policy. When nation-states have the will and capacity to command and control, they can reduce environmental degradation. Stronger national government competence and enforcement capacity and binding UN agreements are essential for the effectiveness of market incentives, which may be enhanced by business and civil society initiatives. If CSOs can reunite and regain their strength, maybe they could negotiate with TNCs on a more equal footing. Perhaps UN members could once again become comfortable with the idea of strong states and non-hegemonic global governance. Este artículo interdisciplinario se basa en las ideas radicales de la ecología política global, la política ambiental, la economía ecológica y el análisis sociológico de los movimientos sociales. Su objetivo es ayudar a superar la brecha de estudios sobre la influencia de los actores no estatales (ANE) en el papel del Estado-nación y de las Naciones Unidas, en lo que se refiere a la ecología política global, incluyendo reducciones de emisiones, y a la política ambiental, como la lucha contra la deforestación. Consideramos como actores no estatales como constituyendo de dos coaliciones globales muy heterogéneas: a) las organizaciones de la sociedad civil (OSC) y organizaciones no gubernamentales ambientales (ONGE), y b) aquellas que representan a corporaciones transnacionales (CTN), denominados aquí de organizaciones empresariales verdes. Después de una revisión de estudios previos, presentamos una adaptación del advocacy coalition framework; identificamos una línea de tiempo de los cambios en la arquitectura de la ONU y categorías simplificadas de influencia. Empezamos a testar hipótesis muy amplias sobre la agencia relativa y a comparar las narrativas de esos atores con los documentos de la ONU. Sólo comenzamos a probar hipótesis muy amplias sobre la agencia relativa ya comparar las narrativas de las CTN con los documentos de la ONU. Mostramos que la arquitectura de la ONU ha ido pasando gradualmente de favorecer a la sociedad civil a favorecer a las corporaciones. En cuanto a la agencia, hay evidencias de que, a finales de los años noventa, en comparación con las OSC, las CTN aumentaron su acceso a los estados-nación y a los organismos de las Naciones Unidas. La narrativa de las CTN cambió de negar el cambio climático y de ignorar a la ONU a una de reconocer el cambio y de guiar las negociaciones. Estos cambios en la arquitectura de las Naciones Unidas, y la agencia y la narrativa de las CTN, parecen haber influido en cambios en los documentos de la ONU hacia un marco de economía verde, reduciendo sus referencias a las funciones regulatorias, la responsabilidad del estado y a acuerdos globales vinculantes. Esto puede haber disminuido las perspectivas para reducir emisiones y aumentar la justicia ambiental. La combinación de mecanismos de mercado con marcos regulatorios fuertes es una buena práctica para la política ambiental. Cuando los estados-nación tienen la voluntad y la capacidad de disuadir, pueden reducir la degradación ambiental. El fortalecimiento de la capacidad de los gobiernos nacionales de hacer cumplir la ley como también los acuerdos vinculantes de las Naciones Unidas son esenciales para la eficacia de los incentivos de mercado; ayuda, más aún, cuando complementados por iniciativas empresariales y de la sociedad civil. Si las organizaciones de la sociedad civil pueden volver a unirse y recuperar fuerzas, quizás podrían negociar con las CTN en pie de igualdad; y, quién sabe, los miembros de la ONU podrían volver a sentirse cómodos con la idea de estados fuertes y gobernanza global no hegemónica. Este artigo interdisciplinar baseia-se nas ideias radicais de ecologia política global (EPG), política ambiental, economia ecológica e análise sociológica dos movimentos sociais. Pretende ajudar a fechar a lacuna de estudos sobre a influência dos atores não estatais (ANE) no papel do Estado-nação e das Nações Unidas, incluindo na redução de emissões, e na política ambiental, tal como medidas contra o desmatamento. Consideramos os ANE como consistindo de duas coalizões globais muito heterogêneas: a) organizações da sociedade civil (OSC) e organizações não-governamentais ambientais (ONGE), e b) organizações corporativas de pico, aqui denominadas organizações empresariais verdes , representando empresas transnacionais (ETN). Após uma revisão de estudos anteriores, apresentamos uma versão do advocacy coalition framework; identificamos uma linha de tempo de mudanças na arquitetura da ONU e categorias simplificadas de influência. Apenas começamos a testar hipóteses muito amplas sobre a agência relativa e a comparar as narrativas desses atores com documentos da ONU. Mostramos que a arquitetura da ONU mudou gradualmente de favorecer a sociedade civil para favorecer corporações. No que se refere à agência, há evidências de que, no final da década de 1990, em comparação com as OSC, as ETN aumentaram seu acesso a estados-nação e agências da ONU. A narrativa das ETN mudou de a) negar a mudança climática e ignorar a ONU para b) reconhecer a mudança e orientar as negociações. Essas mudanças na arquitetura da ONU e na agência e na narrativa das ETN parecem ter influenciado mudanças em documentos da ONU, reduzindo suas referências aos papeis de regulação e de fazer cumprir, como também a acordos globais vinculantes, deslocando o debate global para uma orientação corporativa voluntária. Isso pode ter diminuído as perspectivas para reduzir as emissões e aumentar a justiça ambiental. A combinação de mecanismos de mercado com marcos regulatórios fortes é uma prática recomendada para a política ambiental. Quando os estados-nação têm a vontade e a capacidade de comando e controle, eles podem reduzir a degradação ambiental. Uma maior competência do governo nacional e capacidade de execução e acordos vinculantes da ONU são essenciais para a eficácia dos incentivos de mercado, que podem ser reforçados por iniciativas empresariais e da sociedade civil. Se as OSC puderem voltar a se unir e recuperar forças, talvez possam negociar com as TNCs em pé de igualdade. Talvez os membros da ONU possam voltar a se sentir confortáveis com a ideia de estados fortes e governança global não-hegemônica.

Environmental Governance in Latin America, 2016

Mountain Research and Development, 2012

RePEc: Research Papers in Economics, 2007

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Assessing Democracy in Latin America

This study examines the ability of democratic and non-democratic states alike to protect the environment. Democracy has long been an important concept in the study of politics and environmental protection is an increasingly important issue in world politics. Advocates of democracy claim democratic states are better able to protect the environment than non-democracies. In contrast there are those that argue democracy's emphasis on individual rights leads to excessive resource consumption. This thesis employs a mixed methods approach to determine if democratic countries protect the environment more than their non-democratic counterparts. In short democracies do protect the environment better than non-democracies but certain conditions must be met. It is argued that democracy is a necessary but not sufficient condition to ensure greater environmental protection. This study restricts analysis to Latin America which allows for a more focused and detailed analysis of cases with various levels of democracy. This allows for greater inspection as to the effect the institutions have on environmental protection. v

This paper is part of a research into the Latin American thinking on international affairs and a continuation of a line of work on Latin American contributions to the environmental discussion installed in the global political agenda in the early 70s. The premise was that Latin American contributions were initially made by professionals closely related to ECLAC, UNEP and the Bariloche Foundation. These professionals and agencies understood how poverty and back-wardness were endured by the majority of the regional and world's population was one of the main causes of environmental degradation; consequently, overcoming the environmental crisis meant that underdevelopment should be eradicated without delay. This view of the environmental problems was synthesized in the combined concept of " environment and development " , which was also understood in the region as " eco development ". Finally, the broad phenomenon they wanted to describe using the terms " environment and development " was summarized in the concept of sustainable development as defined in the 1987 World Commission on Environment and Development report " Our Common Future " .