Japanese morphophonemics : markedness and word structure
MIT Press eBooks, 2003
... Richard S. Kayne 26. Unaccusativity: At the Syntax-Lexical Semantics Interface, Beth Levin an... more ... Richard S. Kayne 26. Unaccusativity: At the Syntax-Lexical Semantics Interface, Beth Levin and Malka Rappaport Hovav 27. Lexico-Logical Form: A Radically Minimalist Theory, Michael Brody 28. ... Thus, kita (no voiced obstruents) as well as kaze and gake (one Page 19. ...
Japanese morphophonemics : markedness and word structure
... Richard S. Kayne 26. Unaccusativity: At the Syntax-Lexical Semantics Interface, Beth Levin an... more ... Richard S. Kayne 26. Unaccusativity: At the Syntax-Lexical Semantics Interface, Beth Levin and Malka Rappaport Hovav 27. Lexico-Logical Form: A Radically Minimalist Theory, Michael Brody 28. ... Thus, kita (no voiced obstruents) as well as kaze and gake (one Page 19. ...
This chapter shows that both Match and Align constraints are needed to account for an asymmetry i... more This chapter shows that both Match and Align constraints are needed to account for an asymmetry in Japanese syntax-to-prosody mapping. In Japanese, four-word left-branching syntactic phrases undergo prosodic rebracketing, such that the first pair and second pair of words form distinct phonological phrases, while four-word right-branching syntactic phrases are matched to isomorphic phonological phrases. Match Theory is shown to be unable to explain this asymmetry, whereas Align constraints do not account for matching effects in recursive phonological phrases. Japanese is analyzed as involving the interaction of Match and Align with binarity constraints favoring phonological rebracketing. This indicates that both Match and Align are present in the universal set of syntax-prosody mapping constraints responsible for phonological phrasing.
For a careful and critical reading of the current version of the paper, we are indebted to René K... more For a careful and critical reading of the current version of the paper, we are indebted to René Kager, Dan Karvonen, and Jaye Padgett, whose extensive written comments led to numerous improvements in both content and style. Finally, we would like to thank Iggy Roca for giving us the opportunity to contribute the paper to this volume.
This paper explores a particular part of the prosodic hierarchy-the area falling between the pros... more This paper explores a particular part of the prosodic hierarchy-the area falling between the prosodic word and the phonological phrase. It develops a framework that reduces the types of genuine prosodic categories while at the same time making systematic use of adjunction structures and concomitant functional notions like maximal and minimal instantiations of categories. A detailed analysis of the prosodic typology of compounds in Japanese suggests that the theory maintains enough flexibility to distinguish what needs to be distinguished but avoids multiplying prosodic categories beyond necessity.
This paper proposes to subsume Syntax-Prosody Match Theory under General Correspondence Theory, w... more This paper proposes to subsume Syntax-Prosody Match Theory under General Correspondence Theory, which distinguishes purely existential M / D constraints (requiring nothing but the existence of a correspondent in the output/input, which can be rather diff erent from the input element) from I and other faithfulness constraints. Exact correspondence (preservation of edges, no deletion, no insertion, uniqueness of mapping, order preservation, etc.) is enforced by Syntax-Prosody and Prosody-Syntax Alignment and by standard Faithfulness. The empirical topic is the impossibility of phrase-fi nal enclisis in English (*I don't know where Tom's vs. Tom's here) and its proper explanation.*
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, a... more JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. The MIT Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Linguistic Inquiry.
Abstract: Work on unaccentedness in Japanese finds a concentration of unaccented words in very sp... more Abstract: Work on unaccentedness in Japanese finds a concentration of unaccented words in very specific areas defined in prosodic terms. Unaccentedness is perhaps some kind of default for such words, but less clear is the prosodic rationale for the particular distribution of (un)accentedness. This paper investigates the underlying structural reasons and develops a formal OT-account. It involves two well-known constraints: RIGHTMOST and NONFINALITY. The tension between the two, usually resolved by ranking (NONFINALITY>> RIGHTMOST), finds another surprising resolution in unaccentedness: no accent, no conflict. Besides providing a more detailed analysis of Japanese word accent, which takes into consideration other mitigating phonological and morphological factors, a secondary goal of the paper is to gain an understanding of the similarities and differences between pitch accent and stress accent
Chapter 4 Lexical Classes in Phonology Junko Ito and
Linguistic descriptions of natural languages routinely face the necessity to draw distinctions be... more Linguistic descriptions of natural languages routinely face the necessity to draw distinctions between different lexical classes-such as Latinate versus native roots in English, to which affixes like noun-forming-ation are sensitive ([lat varilation, but * [nat buril ation, etc.; see Ito and Mester 1995b:818 for relevant examples from a
A familiar case of unstressability is the fact that crosslinguistically schwa is often excluded a... more A familiar case of unstressability is the fact that crosslinguistically schwa is often excluded as a stress-bearing element. Here we show that in some languages, such as German, there is evidence for a different kind of requirement: Schwa must occupy the weak position of a trochaic foot, attracting stress to the preceding syllable. 《要旨》シュワー母音が多数の言語において強勢不可能な要素であることはよく知られているが, 本稿では,ドイツ語等のシュワーが強勢を担えないのは他の理由から説明されることを指摘する。 シュワーは無強勢であると同時に,韻律構造の中で強弱格フットの弱音節に位置付けされなけれ ばならないため,その先行音節は強音節に位置し,必ず強勢が付与される。つまり,これらの言 語におけるシュワーは,先行音節に強勢を引きつける特徴があると言える。
This paper explores how the notion 'prosodic head' comes into play in providing an account for ce... more This paper explores how the notion 'prosodic head' comes into play in providing an account for certain facts concerning the distribution of tonal pitch accents in Tokyo Japanese, Standard American and British English, and Northern Bizkaian Basque. Building on evidence from I&M on Tokyo Japanese, it is argued that there is a class of violable phonological markedness constraints on the headedness of prosodic constituents. A class of markedness constraints calling for a prosodic head/abstract prominence to be associated with tone is also motivated. Together, these constraints play a role in accounts of tone epenthesis on prosodic heads or displacement of lexical tone to prosodic heads that are found in both 'pitch accent languages' and in 'intonation languages'. These two prosodic headedness-related constraint types also play a role in accounting for the disappearance of expected phonological phrasing in cases of the absence of tonal 'accent' and the related absence of word-level prosodic headedness.
been proposed, the minor phrase and the major phrase (alternatively named 'accentual phrase' and ... more been proposed, the minor phrase and the major phrase (alternatively named 'accentual phrase' and 'intennediate phrase'). The distinction seems to have grown out of research on Japanese, one of the best-studied prosodic systems. The two kinds of phrases were first distinguished in
Phonological argumentation: Essays on evidence …, 2009
In one of the pioneering works of Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolen sky 1993/2004), McCarthy (... more In one of the pioneering works of Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolen sky 1993/2004), McCarthy (1993a) offers a comprehensive analysis of r-insertion in non-rhotic dialects of English, and suggests that the constraint driving the process is not an onset-related constraint, but rather a constraint requiring prosodic words to end in a consonant('FINAL-C'). While morphological categories such as roots or stems are sometimes subject to templatic requirements involving an obligatory final consonant, independent evidence for a requirement ofthis kind on genuine prosodic constituents, such as surface prosodic words, is sparse. This paper shows that, while McCarthy's treatment remains, in its essentials, a model of optimality-theoretic analysis, it is unnecessary to take recourse to FINAL-C once the onset requirements for different levels ofthe prosodic hierarchy, together with their associated faithfulness properties, are better understood.
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